Neil Villamizar governs Guayana Esequiba

Venezuelans elected Neil Villamizar as governor of Guayana Esequiba state on May 25th 2025 in Sifontes, Bolívar state with 4,720 votes: 97% support and 31.58% turnout, defying international court of justice orders and escalating Guyana's dispute with Venezuela. Guyana administers the 159,500 square kilometer region home to 125,000 residents, reporting no election activity. Venezuela claims these regions as its 24th state, formalized by National Assembly's March 22nd 2024 law post 2023 referendum. Neil Villamizar, a retired Venezuelan Navy Admiral, boasts a military career spanning over 30 years with roles in naval operations and border security, which aligns with Venezuela's strategic emphasis on the region. the Villamizar campaign focused on constitutional reform to integrate Guayana Esequiba, leveraging his military experience to promise stability and resource management.

Villamizar's planning for his governorship is set to begin this week, includes establishing a temporary administrative headquarters in Tumeremo, as designated by the March 22nd 2024 law. His priorities encompass infrastructure development, particularly in mining and agriculture, and enhancing security along the Cuyuní River. He aims to initiate bilateral talks with Guyana, rejecting international court of justice intervention. He has outlined a one hundred day plan focusing on economic recovery through gold and diamond exploitiation in Sifontes. The May 25th 2025 election also saw the election of new deputies to the National Assembly representing Guayana Esequiba. The following deputies were elected, each with distinct backgrounds:

Maríaa Elena Gonzalez: a lawyer and human rights advocate. González focuses on indigenous rights and environmental protection. She has worked with warao communities in Delta Amacuro, advocating for sustainable development.

Carlos Rodríguez: an economist with experience in resource management. Rodríguez aims to integrate Guayana Esequiba's economy with Venezuela's national strategy. His background includes policy work on oil and mining sectors.

Ana María Perez: a social worker and community organizer. Pérez has extensive experience with Wapishana communities. She prioritizes social services and cultural preservation.

José Luis Fernandez: a military officer and former border security chief. Fernández role focuses on defense and strategic planning for Guayana Esequiba. His background includes counterterrorism and regional stability initiatives.

Lucía Morales: an environmental scientist. Morales advocates for sustainable resource use in Guayana Esequiba. Her work includes research on the Cuyuní Mazaruni ecosystem, and its impact on indigenous livelihoods.

Ricardo Gómez: a political strategist and former diplomat. Gómez expertise lies in international relations and negotiation. He aims to facilitate dialogue with Guyana and neighboring Brazil.

Caricom is alarmed and prompted Carla Barnett's May 26th statement, supporting Guyana's claim of sovereignty. This statement was refused by Vice President Delcy Rodríguez, reflecting heightened regional instability. Guyana's vice president Bhartat Jagdeo claimed sovereignty, citing no regional voting and treason charges for participants. The foreign ministry condemned the election as a violation of international law, affirming administrative control over Guayana Esequiba. The absence of polling in regions administered by Guyana underscore their rejection of Venezuela's claim.

The elections 31.58 turnout reported by the National Electoral Council falls between opposition claims of 15% national participation and 42% national average per Electoral National Council, indicating voter engagement amidst boundary ambiguity and nationwide abstention. Difficult to access polling stations were reported as a logistical issue. Shortened labor schedules were approved for miners to vote after 12:00 p.m. Venezuelans celebrated the vote and Guyanese expressed concern over indigenous rights, while the election was confined to Bolivar, reports noted voters transported across the Cuyuní River, suggesting interest to participate from the Guayana Esequiba side. Coercion from the occupying Guayana regime did not prevail.

Concerns necessitate inclusive approaches and nuanced resolution strategies. Venezuela does not seek international court of justice or international intervention, but bilateral dialogue with Irfaan Ali's government on May 25th 2025 election is a patriotic triumph for Venezuela, emphasizing national sovereignty over Guayana Esequiba. This narrative portrays the election as a step towards reclaiming lost territory. Guyana's response stresses rejection of Venezuela's claims, with Vice President Bhatrat Jagdeo warning of treason charges for participants. The Guayana Esequiba election faced logistical challenges, with hard to reach polling stations in Sifontes overcome by solid voter participation, amidst boundary ambiguity. Logistical strategies must address transportation barriers to ensure inclusive participation in integration efforts, preventing further escalation and dialogue. Incorporating technology can mitigate these challenges, ensuring that all voices are heard in the search for a sustainable solution. Elections impact on logistical frameworks, underscoring the need for robust strategies that address technological disparities and ensure equitable access to information.

A notable case is that of a Guyana businessman in Georgetown, sentenced to 5 years in prison on May 28th 2025, for publicly supporting Venezuela's claim over Guayana Esequiba. This individual identified as Mr Rahendra Persaud, a prominent figure in the mining industry, was charged with treason under Guyana's 1980 treason act, which criminalizes actions that undermine the state's sovereignty. Rahendra Persaud's arrest followed a speech at a local forum, where he advocated for dialogue with Venezuela, suggesting economic benefits for crossborder cooperation. This incident underscores the heightened tensions and the severe repercussions for those perceived to support Venezuela's claims, reflecting Guyana's resolve to maintain territorial integrity. the sentencing of Mr. Persaud has drawn international attention, with human rights organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch condemning the move as a violation of free speech. They argue that such actions exacerbate regional instability. The case has also prompted diplomatic protests from Venezuela, with foreign minister Yvan Gil denouncing it as an attempt to silence voices of reason.

Broader impact of the dispute on individual freedoms reaffirms the need for dialogue that respects human rights, as called for by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. Venezuela's claim to Guyana Esequiba is rooted in Spanish colonial boundaries, asserting the 159,500 kilometer region was wrongly settled in the 1899 Paris arbitral award. The award favoring British Guyana relied on the 1840 Schomburgk line which Venezuela contests. Spanish maps from 1777 placed Guayana Esequiba within Venezuela's Captaincy General. This historical rift underpins an ongoing dispute shaped by colonial legacy. The 1966 Geneva agreement was signed by Venezuela, Britain and British Guyana, aiming for a negotiated resolution. The agreement's ambiguity promotes conflicting interpretations: while Venezuela argues the Geneva agreement nullifies the Paris arbitral award, Guyana insists in its validity.

Venezuela recovered southern parts of Anacoco Island in 1966, previously administered by Cuyuní Mazaruni region. he 1895 Venezuelan crisis saw United States support via the Monroe Doctrine, pressuring Britain for arbitration. The awards arbitrators: British, Russian, and United States excluded Venezuelan input, fueling claims of bias, highlighting Venezuela's grievance. This exclusion underpins Venezuela's narrative of historical injustice. The 19th century gold rush in Uruari, near Cuyuní Mazaruni within Guayana Esequiba drew British prospectors, prompting Venezuela's 1876 protests. This rush intensified border tensions, shaping economic and political dynamics. The Shchomburgk line extension added 80,000 kilometers to British Guyana, but the 1899 Paris arbitral award further expanded British territory to 159,500 square kilometers fueling claims of colonial theft.

Guayana Esequiba 125,000 residents live under Guyana's governance. Disputes originates from Spanish boundaries to British arbitration, framing Venezuela's defiance and Guyana's legal stance. Shared indigenous and resource pressures suggest dialogue potential, but historical claims overshadow these concerns. Saint Vincent and the Granadines mediation seeks to include indigenous voices. Historical depth complicates contemporary resolution efforts, requiring nuanced approaches. As Venezuela rejects international court of justice intervention, favoring bilateral talks, Cuyuní Mazaruni relies on gold mining, a significant economic driver for Guayana Esequiba's 125,000 residents, contrasting with Sifontes gold and diamond driven economy which supports a smaller population of 50,000.

Guyana's $16 billion economy is growing 30% annually, due to the oil production from the Stabroek block, dwarfing Sifontes local output estimated at $500 million. The region's strategic importance is heightened by its proximity to the Cuyuní River. Indigenous Wapishana in Upper Takutu - Upper Essequibo, numbering 20,000, protested the election fearing cultural erosion and land loss, as reported by Surama village leaders. The election's absence from Pomeroon - Supenam 50,000 residents amplified these concerns. Surama leaders demanded recognition of land rights amidst historical displacement, a Guyana issue exacerbated by Venezuela's claim.

Venezuela's Waraos in Delta and Makuro share the Warao language with Guyana's Warrau, facing risks of environmental degradation and cultural erosion. They demand recognition of land rights amidst historical displacement. The Waraos numbering 50,000 are concerned about land recovery attempts, potentially leading to loss of traditional territories. Unlike the Wapishana, the Warao's concerns stem from Venezuela's actions, not Guyana's. English - Spanish bilingualism is common in both communities, facilitating crossborder dialogue. Indigenous groups are united across borders, demanding inclusive mediation that addresses these cultural impacts and economic considerations. Indigenous voices called for cultural preservation amidst political tensions shaping public perception and international response to the dispute.

Election was confined to Sifontes municipality parishes, excluding Tumeremo, the designated temporary capital of Guayana Esequiba under the March 22nd 2024 law. The National Electoral Council lists 21,000 voters in Sifontes with 4,720 supporting Villamizar. Although this mobilization faced logistical challenges, it did not influence the elections outcome, as governor elect Neil Villamizar was widely favored to earn more votes than his opponents. Minister Vladimir Padrino Lopez called the election historical, aligning with Governor Elect Villamizar's military background. Villamizar focuses on constitutional reform: Venezuela's determination to recover Guayana Esequiba through dialogue or force, not symbolic claims, underscores the election's strategic importance.

Saint Vincent and the Granadins made mediation initiated in 2023 under the Argyle declaration, offering a path to address tensions. Mediation seeks to include indigenous voices for resolution. Prime Minister Ralph Gonzalez emphasizes dialogue, proposing a tripartite meeting with Venezuela and Guyana to discuss border issues. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights called for protecting indigenous rights during the disputes, urging both nations to engage in constructive dialogue. Lack of progress risks further escalation, prolonging the dispute as unilateral actions risk further escalation. Brazil as a regional power expressed concern over border stability, intensifying defensive actions along its northern border with Venezuela.

Venezuela's economic strategy post election focuses on integrating Guayana Esequiba's resources into its economy, with gold and diamond mines seen as key to recovery efforts. Guyana's oil wealth is projected to reach 100 billion dollars by 2030. Venezuela seeks to leverage Guayana Esequiba's resources to stabilize its economy. Guyana's stock market experienced a 5% drop post election. Venezuela's economic strategy postelection aims to mitigate this risks through bilateral dialogue. The urgency of managing resource conflicts to prevent economic instability is paramount, as the disputes economic implications could disrupt regional trade and investment.

Venezuela has announced a new gold mining venture in Sifontes. Guyana's response includes increased military presence in Cuyuní Mazaruni, reflecting the dispute's economic stakes. The need for dialogue is critical to prevent further economic instability. The Guayana Esequiba region's resources, including gold and oil, are central to both nations economic strategies, but their exploitation risks exacerbating environmental and social issues. Careful resource management is needed to mitigate these risks and ensure long-term stability. Economic resolution strategies must balance national interests with the well-being of indigenous communities and the broader region.

Guyana's heightened military presence and Venezuelan's gold mining announcement further escalate tensions. These developments underscore the need for diplomatic frameworks to prevent conflict and ensure regional stability, as military dynamics continue to shape the disputes trajectory. The international community's role in monitoring these tensions is crucial to avoid a broader conflict that could destabilize the region. The Guayana Esequiba dispute poses a significant environmental risk, particularly in Cuyuní Mazaruni and Delta Amacuro where mining activities threaten ecosystems and indigenous livelihoods, while Guyana's oil production from the Stabroek block raises additional concerns.

Potaro Siparuni region 8, and Upper Takutu Upper Essequibo region 9 are critical regions of Guayana Esequiba, administered by Guyana but claimed by Venezuela. Potaros Siparuni had a population in 2012 of 10,190, bordering Cuyuní Mazaruni to the north, upper Demerara - Berbice and East Berbice - Corentyne to the east, Upper Takutu - Upper Essequibo to the south, and Brazil to the West. it includes Kaieteur Falls and parts of the Amazon rainforest, accessible via Kaieteur International Airport, a 15 minute walk from the falls with flights to Georgetown. The region's terrain is mountainous and forested, with the Potaro River central to its geography.

Upper Takutu - Upper Essequibo had a population in 2012 of 24,212 residents. It borders Potaro Siparuni to the north, East Berbice Corentyne to the east, and Brazil to the south and west. It includes Lethem: a key border town and villages like Aisha Napi and Surama. The Rupuni Savannah, known for its biodiversity, lies between the Rupuni River and Brazil. The region features the Guyana Savannah ecoregion, with vast grasslands and scattered forests crucial for cattle ranching and mining. Both regions are part of the 159,500 square kilometer area claimed by Venezuela. Economically Potaro Siparuni relies on mining, particularly gold with the Omi gold mine historically significant. Agriculture including rice, citrus and forestry also contribute, but the region's economy is small compared to Guyana's national output. Upper Takutu - Upper Essequibo's economy is driven by cattle ranching in the Rupuni savana, gold mining and crossborder trade with Brazil via Lethem.

The town of Lethem, with a population of about 1,900, serves as a commercial hub facilitating trade in goods like fuel, food and construction materials. Both regions are resourceful but face infrastructure challenges, impacting economic development. The Lethem - Georgetown road financed by China's Belt and Road initiative is a 450 kilometer project connecting Lethem in Upper Takutu upper Essequibo to Georgetown, Guyana's capital. It is being completed in phases with significant progress. By 2025 it aims to enhance connectivity, reduce travel time from 14 hours on dirt roads to about 6 hours on paved roads, and boost trade.

The road traverses Potaro Siparuni, crossing the Rubonumi savannah and forested areas, improving access to markets and resources economically. It's expected to increase trade volumes, particularly with Brazil as Lethem becomes a gateway for Brazilian goods to the Caribbean and beyond, cutting shipping routes to the Panama Canal by thousands of miles. The road's impact includes job creation during construction, estimated at 2,000 direct jobs and ongoing maintenance miles. It facilitates the transport of minerals like gold and bauxite from Potaro Siparuni, and cattle from Upper Takutu - Upper Essequibo, potentially increasing export revenues; however, environmental concerns arise with deforestation and habitat disruption in the Amazon rainforest and savana ecosystems. Socially improved access may benefit indigenous communities like the Wapishana and Makushi, by enhancing markets access but it also risks cultural erosion and land pressure.

Venezuelan influence in these regions is significant due to the territorial disputes and migration patterns: the road's development has inadvertently facilitated Venezuelan migration into Guayana Esequiba, particularly through Lethem. Estimates suggest over 10,000 Venezuelan migrants have settled in Upper Takutu Upper Esequibo working in mining, agriculture and construction. This migration influences local economies, with Venezuelans often filling labor gaps but also competing for resources. Venezuela's claim over Guayana Esequiba including these regions has led to increased military and diplomatic activity. Reports of Venezuelan military presence near the Cuyuní River, close to Potaro Siparuni have been noted, aiming to assert control or influence.

The road's strategic importance is heightened by Venezuela's interest in leveraging it for resource access, particularly gold and oil, as part of its economic recovery strategy post 2025 elections. This influence is contested by Guyana, with increased security measures along the route, reflecting the broader disputes. Escalating migration patterns also include Guyanese moving into these areas for economic opportunities, but Venezuelan migration dominates. The presence of Venezuelan migrants has led to cultural exchanges, with Spanish becoming much more common in Lethem and surrounding areas. Social services strained particularly health and education as noted by local non-government organizations. This dynamic complicates the region's stability, with both countries vying for influence and indigenous communities caught in the middle demanding recognition and protection of their rights. Gold mining throughout both sides of the arbitral award border underscores the urgency of incorporating environmental sustainability into resolution strategies. 

The path forward requires balancing economic interests with environmental and cultural preservation, to ensure a sustainable future for the region. The international community's role in supporting these efforts is vital to achieving a just and lasting solution. Venezuela's governor and national assembly elections gold mining expansion announcement, along with Guyana's presidential election campaign, further intensify national narratives, heightening public awareness and shaping international response. Indigenous leaders challenge both nations narratives, demanding recognition of their rights. Their voices highlight the need for cultural preservation and inclusive approaches in resolution efforts. Dialogue must navigate these narratives. Organizations like CARICOM and CELAC facilitate dialogue to prevent escalation. Economic, cultural and security concerns must be addressed to ensure stability and cooperation in the region. The path forward requires patience and perseverance, ensuring that legal, diplomatic and humanitarian considerations are prioritized.