Azruddin Mohamed early campaign

Azruddin Mohamed is accused of smuggling Orinoco gold to Dubai in 2023, his Ferrari case dismissal shows no conviction but probes persist. No evidence ties Ashrudin Muhammad to Venezuelan oil smuggling, unlike gold claims. Executive order 13,818 targets corruption, not PDVSA issues. Guyana's 70% oil GDP share demands transparency, unlike Venezuela's OFAC deals. Azruddin Muhammad's clear stance could align with Caricom's 2024 anti-fraud push, his Muhammad's reformist narrative is backed by 40% of voters, echoeings Brazil's anti-corruption push. His 2025 bid could gain undecided voters with transparency overcoming sanctions.

Azruddin Mohamed's unity vision aligns with Trinidad and Tobago's Caricom role, which is Guyana's third largest partne, fostering northern South American integration. Youth focused prosperity pledge targets Trinidad and Tobago trade with Guyana's 32% GDP growth. Enhanced ties with Suriname could drive growth, benefiting both nations as. Azruddin Mohamed's economic vision aligns with Surinam's bauxite exports. Cooperative frameworks beyond the Guayana Esequiba dispute factors Irfaan Ali's diplomatic approach against Azruddin Mohamed's reformist vision. 

If Irfaan Ali is reelected in 2025, Guyana is unlikely to propose joint oil ventures with Venezuela, leveraging Stabroek block conditions unchanged. A 60/40 profit sharing model like Brazil's Petrobras deals. Venezuela's PDVSA is crippled by sanctions and needs Guyana's output to stabilize markets. Joint ventures could boost Venezuela's exports, fostering regional growth. Venezuela's recent oil mismanagement highlights risks: Guyana's sovereign fund offers stability. A refinery, liquified natural gas plants could cut fuel imports. Joint oil production could ease Guayana Esequiba tensions. Challenges include United States sanctions cutting Venezuela's exports.

If Azruddin Mohamed wins, he could propose regulated mining zones with Venezuela, sharing United gold revenue and cutting smuggling losses: legalizing binational mining could cut illicit flows, boosting trust. Youth focus could address 200,000 Venezuelan migrants in Guyana. Rivers must be cleaned up from mercuryuse in gold mining. Guyana could hire Venezuelan miners, integration could cut border crime. Azruddin Mohamed's reformist vision features an anti-corruption stance backed by youth. Cooperation could deter cross border aggression. Azruddin Mohamed could propose an oil pipeline to Venezuela in support of idle refineries. Migration deals could resettle 50,000 Venezuelans, enhancing stability sanctions relief. The future belongs on unified Guyana and Venezuela, but we have no clue how to do that as we are sharing northern South American expectations.

Guyana's electoral roots lie in Dutch and British colonial rule, with the 17th century court of policy limiting votes to wealthy planters. By 1891 only 10% of adults voted, entrenching elitism. This exclusion unlike Suriname's broader franchise shapes modern ethnic divides with Indian and Afroguyanese voting blocks persisting. The 1953 election introduced universal suffrage, with people's progressive party's Cheddi Jagan winning 52% . British suspension after 133 days, fearing communism, set a precedent for interference akin to Jamaica's 1944 elections. This fostered distrust with 60% of 2024 voters citing historical intervention as a concern. The 1980 constitution established a 65 seat national assembly, 40 constituency and 25 proportional seats. Ethnic voting dominates, with People's Progressive Party winning 70% in Indian Berbice; People's National Congress 65% Afro in Georgetown.

Trinidad and Tobago's similar ethnic splits highlight challenges, risking polarization in 2025 without crossethnic campaigns. The 1968 election and their People's National Congress faced rigging claims with 82% turnout anomalies: in region 4 Demerara ballot stuffing inflated people's national congress 55% win, mirroring Suriname's 1987 fraud. Insufficient oversight: only 5% of polls monitored enabled this. Reforms like observer presence could raise 2025 trust. The 1992 election Carter Center validated People's National Congress 24-year rule, but 1997's Georgetown riots resulted in 15 deaths, exposing ethnic fragility. Barbados 1991 peaceful transition contrasts, showing Guyana's need for conflict prevention. Without dialogue 2025 risks violence spikes, per 2024 ethnic commission reports. Campaign of Azruddin Mohamed demands observers, citing Guyana elections commissions partisan appointments.

People's Progressive Party aligned biometric ID push, which was successful in Jamaica with 90% voter verification targets. Fraud data gaps on Guyana elections commission's budget limit reform scope, but Guyanese dollars 500 million could ensure integrity, a Caricom priority. Guyana Elections Commission under the 1980 Constitution has a chairman and six commissioners: three presidential, three opposition appointees. In 2020 People's Progressive Party accused the chair of delaying recounts, favoring a partnership for national unity. Venezuela's Consejo Nacional Electoral with 80% socialist allies shows worse bias, but Guyana's 50% split still undermines trust.

Guyana elections commission overseas voter roles and polling: the 2020 Demerara Mahika crisis showed 7,500 unverified votes, caused 48 hour delays, dead voters were 22,000, meaning 4% of fueled fraud claims, like Surinam's 2020 12% invalid registrations. Manual checks failed 20% of verifications, needing digital reforms for 2025 accuracy. Partisan bias claims lack evidence. In 2020 a Partnership for National Unity blocked a 22,000 vote audit, citing time, while People's Progressive Party demanded full recounts. Guyana Elections Commission's 60% deadlock stalled progress, unlike Trinidad and Tobago 2023 neutral oversight. Limited commissioner training, only 10% certified, worsens disputes. Nonpartisan hiring could cut bias. The 2020 Caricom recount corrected 5,000 votes, exposing list errors 25%, outdated addresses. Barbados 2022 biometric system reduced fraud 30%, but Guyana's 65% partisan resistance stalls adoption

Demands are for Organization of American States and Carter Center presence, citing Venezuela's 2018 ban which caused 70% distrust. Jamaica's 2020 observers ensured 80% confidence, limited organization of American states funding regionally constraints scale, but 20 observers per region could secure 2025 fairness. Guyana's elections commissions could adopt Suriname's 2020 nonpartisan model, cutting bias. Fraud claims could delay results by 90 days, a Caribbean concern. Guyana's laws mandate biometric IDs and indelible ink, but rural polling stations have 45% fewer than urban areas, cutting rural turnout to 40% contrasting with urban 75%. Brazil's Amazon mobile units boosted participation. The 2020 judicial bias claim saw Chief Justice Roxan George uphold People's Progressive Parties 235,000 vote win, a partnership for National Unity's 15 lawsuits dismissed for weak evidence, delayed results 160 days. Barbados 2022 48 hour resolutions show efficiency.

Without alliances 2025 risks ethnic clashes. Muhamed's tribal voting rejection targets 220,000 youth 30% of the electorate. Venezuela's youth opposition push 40% turnout inspires him. Limited youth data obscures impact but his campaign could lift 2025 turnout 15% aligning with Jamaica's success. Azruddin Mohamed's anti-corruption stance, despite sanctions, resonates. His reforms could boost trust. Guyana's media splits chronicle gives People's Progressive Party 88% rally air time. Partisan coverage compares skewing perceptions: only 10% of outlets are neutral. Balanced reporting could lift trust. Guyana risks 15% suppression without reforms

Azruddin Mohamed's image may grow, with 48% of supporters seeing People's Progressive Party bias. Suriname's political targeting compares. Limited defense data obscures validity, but denials could retain 2025 youth support 35%. Legal battles may escalate United States dollars 12 million gold smuggling with Federal Bureau of Investigation probes noting 12% compliance. No regional data obscures scale. Anti-corruption drives may intensify allegations, split voters 42% back Azruddin Mohamed, 38% oppose but 2025 support could drop 10% without transparency. Addressing claims openly could retain 15% of voters, a Caricom trend.